Project Description
This compilation of data on dog remains (Canis lupus familiaris) from Maya archaeological sites was compiled to assist in research on trends in dog use over time and space, and among communities from the Preclassic to Colonial periods (c. 2000 BC - the late 1800s). The data represent a detailed evaluation of published records from the archaeological literature as well as primary datasets contributed by the study authors. Dogs were a vital part of ancient Maya life, but early archaeological studies discussed their use only as dietary resources and sources of teeth for crafting into adornments. These perceptions of the ancient Maya dog were premised in part on the discovery of large collections of dog remains in deposits from the earlier periods of Maya occupation, and ethnohistorical records of the sale of dogs as food in Mexica markets. These led to the assumption that the dog was an important dietary resource during the growth and urbanization of Maya settlements, in an area with no other domesticated mammals to provide meat-on-the-paw. More recent studies suggest more diverse and nuanced roles for dogs, with different breeds perhaps fulfilling several different roles. However, the assumption that early Maya dogs were primarily used as food persists despite the lack of any coherent presentation of the zooarchaeological data from across the ancient Maya world. This database provides that resource. We hope to expand the database to include other dog finds as they are reported in the literature or included by other participants as raw data. To date, the resource has been used as the basis of a book chapter titled "Food, Friend, or Offering: Exploring the Role of Maya Dogs in the Zooarchaeological Record" that explores the role of the dog as food (or not always, as the chapter authors argue).
The database provides raw count data on the number of dog specimens per occupational period at each site (or in some cases in several assemblages analyzed by separate authors for one site), the types of contexts (very broadly defined) within which the remains were recovered, the body region represented (limbs, heads, feet, etc.) and the body side, the proportion of juvenile individuals represented by the elements, and the proportion of remains that were modified by burning, butchering, or artifact manufacture. Metadata regarding each assemblage is provided including, where possible, the total faunal assemblage size analyzed for each site, the name of the analyst and date of analysis, a citation to the location of the published record when the data has come from published data, and to the repository where data is held when raw data is provided.
We welcome comments and additions to this compilation. Such a data compilation is never complete (and never completely accurate). If you are interested in providing data to supplement that found in this project, please contact the lead author, Kitty Emery, at kemery@flmnh.ufl.edu. We also encourage all zooarchaeologists working with Maya fauna to publish that data in open access fora. This data compilation is an example of the type of research that is now possible based on the rich and growing archive of animal-remains research in the Maya area.
Methodological Notes
This data publication presents a comparative analysis of dog remains from across the Maya world, a geographic region broadly conceptualized as everything from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec in Mexico to the vague line running between Copan and the Ulua Valley in Honduras and paralleling the modern political border of Guatemala with Honduras and El Salvador. Temporally, we define “Maya” as including the Preclassic periods but not the Paleoindian or Archaic as it is unclear whether the residents of these early periods would have self-identified with a larger cultural group. There are also so few studies of these early periods that their comparison would be complicated.
Our selected study assemblages include those that are published and/or publicly accessible through the internet, as well as unpublished data that are the intellectual property of the authors, and/or have been approved for use by the original analyst or data curation facility (in situations where the analyst is not known or is no longer available to provide permission). Although we have attempted to be as thorough as possible, this does not represent the full extent of zooarchaeological analyses in the Maya region, since many are not publically available or are in progress, while still others did not provide sufficient detail to allow us to assess dog data.
For the purposes of this study, we define “dog” as members of the subspecies Canis lupus familiaris. We include identifications of Canis sp. and Canidae, unless the analyst has specifically stated that the remains are not those of a dog. In the Maya area, generally the only other member of the Canis species is the grey fox, Urocyon cinereoargenteus, whose elements are much smaller than most dogs and are easily recognized by zooarchaeologists.
We have chosen to provide a chronological overview for some aspects of the study. For these aspects, we provide information only on dated assemblages that fit into broad chronological period categories, including Preclassic, Classic, Postclassic, and Colonial/Historic periods. We recognize that chronologies are not always agreed upon and, in some cases, are not updated. However, we felt it was more important to use chronologies that are published and publicly available than to update or revise the available data. For our overall assessment of dog distributions, we have compared dog specimen counts to overall mammal counts. This is because analyses vary in terms of the inclusion of invertebrates, and because some animal taxa are more subject to decay than others (primarily fish, amphibians, and birds). Thus the comparison to mammals provides the most standard value for comparison among disparate analyses.
Our review includes data on where dog bones were recovered contextually, the types of remains (body portions, side, age), and the treatment of those remains (burning, “butchering” and “artifact manufacture”), in each case to highlight the possible meanings behind the human/dog interaction exemplified by the zooarchaeological remains. Each of these data types also brings with it a certain subjectivity in the analysis and interpretation. One of the most problematic of these data categories is that of context of recovery. To understand the contexts within which dog remains are found, we chose to classify contexts as “political”, which includes those areas that functioned as governing structures or public places, “ritual”, which includes burials, caches, and special function deposits, and “quotidien”, which are all other spaces whether at the household or elite level. In most cases, remains were assigned to a context based on how it was defined in the publication, or information provided by the archaeologist in assemblages identified by the authors.
Although the specific elements, sides, and ages of an animal are fairly objectively assessed, the way we group these also has implications. To examine possible differential use of animal parts, we present body portions as a combined total of elements within that portion. For example, “feet” include all the carpals, tarsals, metapodials, and phalanges of the animal. In our analysis, we present these body portions as a ratio of the number of elements within the portion relative to the expected number that are found in a complete dog body. We used the method described by Reitz and Wing (2008:223–224) to calculate the natural log difference between observed and expected proportions of elements for each time period. Skeletal preservation will naturally differ between skeletal parts, with thin bones such as ulnae and fibulae preserving less frequently than denser humeri and femora. Cranial fragments, with the exception of teeth, are often very poorly preserved so these will naturally be less frequently collected and identified. We have not taken these taphonomic issues into consideration in our evaluation of “expected” distributions but they should be kept in mind for interpretations of the data.
Element body side is also presented as one of our data points. Element body side is presented as the proportion of right or left elements from all side-able elements (not including axial elements or those that could not be sided) for all dogs from the given period. We use this distribution test to document any variation from the standard 50% ratio. The meaning of body sides is well documented among the modern Maya and has been correlated to archaeological iconography (Palka 2002; Brown 2004), suggesting that if dogs were being used in special functions, it is possible that not only the portion of the dog body, but the side of the animal would be important.
Animal age at death is another category of information used to suggest different functions of the animal, either as a source of harvestable food (slaughter at prime ages for meat production [Bökönyi 1969] or for the Maya area [Clutton-Brock and Hammond 1994:824]) or as a ceremonial actor (Thornton and Demarest 2018:12). We do not know at what age dogs might have “tasted best” for the ancient Maya, but in studies of dog butchery in other areas of the world, dogs are ideally slaughtered in their first year of life (e.g., Podberscek 2009). Age of death in zooarchaeological specimens may be determined in a variety of analyses, including dental eruption and tooth wear, closure of cranial sutures and epiphyseal fusion (Reitz and Wing 2008). However, there are few standards for how zooarchaeologists working in the Maya area discern and record age at death. In addition, dogs can be problematic in determining age due to a wide variation in fusion rates for each canine element and for dogs of different types (Sutton et al. 2018). For this study, we record juvenile/immature animals using the information provided by analysts and considering “unfused” as equivalent of juvenile/immature. In this case, it is important to recognize the bias against the youngest age class because unfused and cartilaginous juvenile bones do not preserve well and are often small and harder to find.
In our analysis we have attempted to distinguish between human-made modification marks like cutting and hacking resulting from artifact manufacture as opposed to marks resulting from butchery or skinning. Deep “hack” marks on animal long bones in the Maya area are often the result of removing the epiphyses or diving the shaft for the purposes of crafting a tool, ornament, or other artifact (Emery and Aoyama 2007; Emery 2009, 2010). However, often only vague terminology such as “cut bone” is used in published literature, so it can be unclear whether the cut was from crafting or butchering activities. Thus, in this study we include anything defined by the analyst as “butchery mark” (or similar) as evidence of cutting, skinning, or disarticulation for consumption.
Cut or other modification marks clearly identified as having an association with a finished non-dietary product, such as cutting to make a bone tube, polishing, or carving/incising, are identified as artifactual modifications in this study. Simple or ambiguous descriptions such as “cut mark”, without further information, are identified as butchery in this study, although we acknowledge that these cut marks could easily be evidence for artifact crafting. This study considers drilled stray dog teeth as artifacts, but does not count unmodified teeth as such. We also looked at burned elements. Burned elements have often been cited as evidence of meal preparation, but can also be found as specimens burned as part of discard, or burned as part of other burning events (such as milpa burning or a house fire).
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